There is a large number of such settlements that provide evidence for the continuing importance of autonomy as a conflict settlement mechanism. Thus in virtually every conflict situation involving self-determination claims by territorially relatively concentrated identity groups at least proposals for autonomy have been made.
In many of them, these proposals have been implemented. This, however, only tells half the story. This means that there are limits to the extent to which the design of complex power sharing settlements can choose at random from the available menu of mechanisms and techniques. This can be illustrated with specific examples and on the basis of broader comparative observations. In order to appreciate in full why the Agreement in Northern Ireland reached in and modified in provides a reasonable framework for a successful peace and political process, it is necessary to get a more detailed understanding of the conflict as such.
The conflict on Northern Ireland is about national belonging. Overlapping with this fundamental political divide are further divisions that cut through Northern Irish society: religion Protestant vs. Catholic , language Ulster Scots vs.
Any settlement of the conflict, therefore, required addressing the following sets of issues: relations between the communities in Northern Ireland; the status of Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom; relations between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland; and relations between the UK, its constituent entities, and the Republic of Ireland.
The Agreements of and provide a comprehensive institutional answer to these issues, an answer moreover that was negotiated between the main conflict parties, rather than imposed by well-meaning outsiders.
The provisions of the Agreement extend to executive and legislative power sharing, and additionally brought to Northern Ireland a wide range of human rights legislation and provisions for victims.
Under the Agreement, the First Minister and his or her co-equal Deputy were to run on a joint ticket and, to be elected, needed concurrent majorities within both traditions i. Under the St. Further changes that affect the Executive include a greater emphasis on the collective nature of government. While the Agreement had vested strength and independence into individual ministerial portfolios, the St.
Andrews Agreement introduces a statutory ministerial Code that requires ministers to ensure that all sections of both traditions in Northern Ireland can participate in the functioning of the devolved power sharing institutions and that there interests are protected.
It also opens up the opportunity for Executive decisions to be taken by concurrent majority voting: when no consensus can be achieved in the Executive, a minimum of three ministers can require the employment of this procedure and a decision by the Executive could only be adopted if an overall majority and a majority among ministers from both communities voted in its favor.
The terms of the St Andrews Agreement also establish more clearly than the Agreement that the Executive is a collective organ of government. In particular, they determine that the Executive be the forum for discussion and decision-making on any issues in the responsibility of more than two ministers, on the prioritization of executive and legislative proposals, and adopting an annual Programme for Government.
Crucially, as another illustration of the commitment to power sharing, the ministerial code containing all these provisions can only be adopted and changed on the basis concurrent majorities in the Assembly. The legislative branch of government in Northern Ireland, the Assembly, is elected by Single Transferable Vote on the basis of six seats being contested in all eighteen general election constituencies in the region.
Provisions for legislative power sharing include qualified and concurrent majority voting procedures, committee oversight of ministerial portfolios, and self-designation of elected members of the Assembly. The most significant amendments to the functioning of the Assembly include a new power of the Assembly to refer individual ministerial decisions back to the Executive for collective consideration.
Furthermore, the already existing Committee of the Centre is now on a statutory footing, and thus equal to other departmental scrutiny committees.
At the same time, a special standing committee and an efficiency review panel were established to review the working of the institutions and, where necessary, recommend changes to their structures and procedures. Northern Ireland as a whole is a self-governing territory with extensive devolved legislative and executive powers, including in the areas of agriculture and rural development; culture and arts; education, employment and learning; enterprise, trade, and investment; environment; health, social services, and public safety; regional development; and social development.
Special arrangements prevail in relation to policing and justice, as well as national security. While the UK government will retain all competences in relation to external defence and significant powers in relation to combating terrorism, there is, under the St.
Andrews Agreement, a provision that makes possible the devolution of powers in the area of policing and justice. This involves primarily subject ministries, but in Northern Ireland under the terms of the St. Andrews Agreement also gives the Executive collectively a greater role in preparing such meetings, while guaranteeing a right of attendance to the minister into whose competence a particular issue to be discussed at NSMC meetings falls.
A Review Group, to be appointed jointly by the Northern Ireland Executive and the Irish Government is to examine the efficiency and value for money of existing NSMC implementation bodies and establish whether there is a case for additional bodies and areas of cooperation within the NSMC.
In addition, under the terms of the St. Andrews Agreement, plans exist for the creation of a North-South Parliamentary Forum bringing together equal numbers from the Irish Parliament and the Assembly, and operating on an inclusive basis and an Independent Consultative Forum to represent civil society.
Also established under the Agreement, is the British-Irish Council BIC that brings together the British and Irish governments and relevant executive bodies from all self-governing territories in the UK Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Isle of Man, Channel Islands to coordinate policy and cooperate on issues of mutual interest.
The St. Andrews Agreement mandates the circulation of all papers in preparation for BIC meetings among all members of the Executive and an entitlement for relevant subject ministers to attend.
Plans also exist under the St. Vertical power sharing and power dividing prove necessary complements of autonomy in two ways: autonomy regimes cannot be established in specific territorial entities without it, and unless such entities become a locus of power, no power can be shared at the sub-state level.
The benefit of this approach is clear ownership and responsibility. We of course try to pick a team to lead this that is heavily impacted by the work. In this approach, rather than identify one of the existing teams to serve as the lead team, we instead create a special, transient for the life of this initiative discovery team to do at least the discovery aspects of this work.
Normally this is a product manager, a senior UX designer, and at least one senior engineer. Once this group has identified the necessary delivery work, and backlog items generated, the people on this transient team go back to their normal teams. The benefit of this approach is that you have a strong team of people dedicated and able to focus on this work. The disadvantage is that these people soon go back to their teams which is good in that they carry with them what they learned but bad in that the clear accountability and ownership leaves with them.
And this strategy has the same limitation of the risk of the other teams not understanding or agreeing with the learnings. In such a context, students are engaging with their world, thinking critically about all they encounter, and putting their ideas into practice.
We may see monthly assemblies initiated, organized and implemented by students, focusing on issues that concern and interest them. In student-led activities and initiatives, we are likely to see students on the stage and running things behind the stage, with adults offering support behind the scenes.
In the classroom, we may see more instances of youth shaping their own learning, setting individual goals, making a plan to meet them, and taking responsibility for their own success. At all levels of school life, we will find youth taking initiative to change their school environment: approaching adults in order to raise problems or identify a need, while at the same time proposing solutions. In many schools, extracurricular activities are a focal point and an outlet for student participation.
Kids in this stage of development often feel the need to do things independently, such as picking out what they will wear each day, putting on their own clothes, and deciding what they will eat. While this can often be frustrating for parents and caregivers, it is an important part of developing a sense of self-control and personal autonomy. Provide opportunities for children to be independent. Allow them to make food, clothing, and toy choices and provide reassurance that they have done a good job.
Be supportive during potty training, but not punitive for accidents. Offer safe outlets where children are able to play independently with the support and guidance of a trusted caregiver.
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Erikson, EH. Childhood and Society. New York: Norton;
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